By Kedar Nath Pandey
India is passing through a period of great political turbulence. As such, it is difficult to say that this is a period of transition and that India will, as in the past, soon achieve a measure of stability either as a result of the recovery of the Congress, or of a further expansion in the influence of the BJP.
That apart, the supposedly unlikely realignment of forces in opposition to the Congress Party is unlikely to materialise. Even since the twenties when the Communist Party of India was established, Communists and Leftists sympathetic to the ‘cause’, have been expecting (read wanting) the Congress to split into ‘progressive’ and ‘reactionary’ wings and the ‘progressive’ factions to make common cause with them. The Congress split in 1969 to their advantage but it turned out to be a temporary one; the game was up with the imposition of Emergency in 1975. It split again, 1978 to no advantage to them. What are the characteristics of the party?
Mahatma Gandhi introduced in the Congress a style of leadership – leadership from above – which has characterised the party ever since, however stark the differences between the personalities of the leaders – between the Mahatma and Nehru, between Nehru and Indira Gandhi and between Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. The Mahatma did not rise in the party hierarchy. He, in a manner of speaking descended on it from above having made his name and perfected his techniques in South Africa. He just took over the organisation such as it was, after World War I and remained its supreme leader till his assassination on January 30, 1948. He resigned as an ordinary member of the Congress as if to make the point that his leadership was not contingent on such ‘formalities’.
Jawaharlal Nehru too came into the Congress leadership from ‘above’. He did not graduate into it, as did others. Indira Gandhi had, in a sense, to struggle for supremacy in the party but only after the top position had been conceded to her in the first instance. Her conflict with the organisational bosses began after they had placed her in the powerful office of Prime Minister. She vanquished them and converted the Congress into a praetorian guard for the family. The dynasty had been consolidating. Rajiv Gandhi succeeded her without the slightest resistance in a true dynastic style. His leadership was not questioned even after a series of electoral defeats.
The Congress Party reminds one of palace politics, as many of its practitioners in New Delhi would attest if only grudgingly, is that they are one thing from outside, quite another from within. Palaces, in order to be called palaces, must appear invincible; inside, they are the most insecure of places, forever occupied with the business of keeping the palace a palace, forever troubled with intimations of being undone.
The other thing practitioners in New Delhi would attest is that there are thrones and the powers behind it that run the throne. And as long as the throne is in place, there is nothing quite as powerful as the power behind it. But when the throne is gone, there is nothing quite as powerless as the power behind it. Every construct of power has its chink; for powers behind the throne, that chink lies in the throne itself. Once the throne is gone, the power behind it must, rather quickly and helplessly, lose its reasons and relevance. Ms Sonia Gandhi is perhaps going to spend a little time this summer giving a thought or two on the nature of collapsing palaces and the fate of those who must go down with them.
Of all people whose lives revolve around the entity called the Congress, Sonia Gandhi perhaps has the most reason to be nervous – more than Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh. The others in the party – hard boiled politicians – they will take a future defeat in their stride, and live to fight another day. Not quite the same with the lady in 10-Janpath, who has always wanted everything that politics, could give her but never given politics anything, which has always sought power and its attendant frills. She has sought from the Congress but seldom given it; she has revelled in the comforts of its victories but will take no blame for its defeats. She has had the party serve her interests, to the extent she could, but she has not served the party’s. She has wanted to remain the power behind the throne that is the Congress and to manipulate it, to the extent she could but she would not do a whit to lend that throne any power.
It is, of course, a different matter – and a highly debatable one -- whether Ms Sonia Gandhi is capable of securing any power for the Congress, resuscitating it. But she has not bothered herself with attempting that in any case. Quite plainly, Sonia Gandhi has been selfish and self-serving in her dealing with the Congress and she must now be nervous precisely for that reason.
Make no mistake about it, Ms Sonia Gandhi is around on the scene with a purpose and wielding power is central to that purpose. The entire enigma she has wrapped herself in is actually not enigma but cold political engineering. The mystique that goes with that name "Gandhi" is not actually mystique but management. Ms Sonia Gandhi has played the mystery lady role to perfection. And that role has served her well – nothing but that would have done.
Being her own person and nothing but her own person is one thing when the Congress is in power and quite another when the Congress is not. When there is no palace and there is no throne, the world can quite suddenly turn into a very lonely place for empresses. Also a cruel one for empresses that tend to take a few little things for granted. And Sonia Gandhi is such an empress.
Among the few little things that she is around to ensure – and for which she continues to play her mesmerist role behind the throne – are security, status and, quite undoubtedly, the name of the Nehru-Gandhi’s. She has decided to groom her son Rahul Gandhi as the heir apparent to the throne to perpetuate the rule of the Gandhi dynasty.
If the Congress loses in 2014; in all likelihood it will, even Congressmen – those that still pay court – may stop lining up in Ms Sonia Gandhi’s parlour. She may have her uses to them now because she can manoeuvre the levers of power.
The next big defeat for the Congress will alter equations between the Nehru-Gandhi’s and the Congress very fundamentally because Sonia Gandhi has decided – for her many, and probably good, reasons – only to get from the party and not give it, whatever it is that she can. If powers behind thrones decide to remain just that, they must fade when the throne does. INAV
