MR Rahul Gandhi has joined the very few strong voices that have spoken recently against the politics of the Shiv Sena and its offshoot, the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena.
There is truth in the interpretation that the most powerful general secretary of the Congress party has hit out at the unholy trinity of Thackerays–Balasaheb, Uddhav and Raj–in a political strategy to win over support in Bihar and UP where campaigning has begun much in advance for the next assembly elections. However, the timing does not matter; what matters is the defining moment of boldness shown by the ‘heir apparent’ in the Congress hierarchy. His statement has also suddenly radicalised the minds and actions of the Congress in Maharashtra whose ‘time-tested’ attitude toward the vicious and violent parochialism of the Sena has been to let it unleash excesses whenever it wants and to keep the supremo happy by never, never touching him even by the tip of the long stick of law.
The supremo became invincible and inebriated with power with the BJP choosing to be Sena ally. The Sena now had both the mob power and political power: power in the streets as well as in the corridors of power. With the BJP as ally and the Congress as a shadow-boxing patron, the Sena consolidated its authoritarian regime, battering anyone whose statements they did not like, abusing anyone who criticised them; damaging offices, ripping off things, imposing ‘bans’. With such power they have run a censorship regime far longer than the late Indira Gandhi did, gagging all who dared to speak anything unpalatable to the Sena supremo. And most groups and individuals crawled before the supremo. They included businessmen, politicians and film stars. When the supremo did not like anything it had to be removed, whether it was a film or a clip or a dialogue in the film. His nephew has followed in his footsteps.
The burden of bravery to challenge their vicious politics had to fall on individuals outside the political system. So, Sachin Tendulkar spoke out: “Mumbai belongs to India. That is how I look at it. I am a Maharashtrian and I am extremely proud of that but I am an Indian first.” Tendulkar had put it across succinctly: we were Indians first. Then others spoke, followed by Mr Mukesh Ambani and now Mr Rahul Gandhi too. The dragon of parochialism must be fought. The MNS is trying to grab the lion’s share of the Shiv Sena constituency by hijacking its Marathi chauvinist card. Mr Raj Thackeray provoked street violence in Mumbai. Thousands of north Indians got panicky and many of them left for their homes in UP and Bihar. The state government deliberately avoided taking action and when it arrested Raj it was for few hours and he easily got bail. The violence and the halo of martyrdom from the arrest were all intended for Assembly elections 2009 and the result was obvious.
Of course, Maharashtrians need to be given preference in jobs in Maharashtra. There are already written rules and unwritten conventions in every state to prefer recruitment of local people. Let us not forget that it was to force the government and private sector in Mumbai to have more Maharashtrians in jobs that the whole strength of the Sena came from. The Sena was formed with the aim to ‘safeguard the welfare of the people of Mahrashtra’. The strength of both the Sena and MNS lies in the constituency of perceived injustice against Marathi-speaking people in employment. The rally which Mr Balasaheb Thackeray called on June 19, 1966 to announce the foundation of the Shiv Sena was the biggest rally ever in Maharashtra’s political history. Over 2 lakh Maharashtrians gathered to listen to a cartoonist who was a political non-entity. Had not there been this constituency of perceived deprivation of Maharashtrians, Balasaheb Thackery would have been consigned to the dustbin of history. So, while we must continue to fight the lunatic, violent, brutal Marathi parochialism of the Sena and MNS, we must also take short- and long-term steps to dismantle the edifice of Marathi anger against the government and private sector for not giving them preference in their recruitments and other dispensation of welfare.



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