In the general discourse about caste politics in the country Goa rarely figures. The rest of Indians may know that the two main communities in Goa are Hindus and Christians but they do not know the social divisions that exist within these communities.

We Goans too in general discourse excel in projecting and making others believe that we are a society above caste and communal considerations. The Goan media hardly discusses caste. If you Google ‘Goa Caste Politics’ you won’t find more than half a dozen links, those too spaced out by years. If you Google ‘UP Caste Politics’ or ‘Tamil Nadu Caste Politics’ you may find an endless number of links including media reports, commentaries and academic papers and books.

But what is the reality?

Caste has been important in Goa’s politics from the very beginning. The rise of Dayanand Bandodkar was powered by a general mobilization of the non-Brahman castes. And he has been the only legendary politician in the state till date. The sweep of his electoral base was engineered more by the urge for social mobility among the non-Brahman castes than by the endearing personality he became famed for. There were elements and traits in his character that, despite his wealth, created an earthy persona with which the lower castes identified themselves. Bandodkar’s ascendancy pushed the upper castes both among Hindus and Christians, who had dominated the society and politics in pre-Liberation Goa, to the margins.

Realizing that their political survival was at stake, the upper castes began to build a coalition with lower castes. Their struggle all along till date has been to retain dominance by giving representation to lower castes. But this has not stopped the juggernaut of the upward mobility of lower castes. They have been clamouring not only for more and more representation but also for leadership positions. There is a strong undercurrent among all parties stirred up by the urge of lower-caste leaders to take a pre-eminent position. Both the Congress government and the opposition BJP have Gowd Saraswat Brahmans as their chief leaders, and feelings are rife within both parties questioning why leaders from other castes should not wear the crown. The ‘revolt’ of Mr Shripad Naik, the BJP MP from North Goa can be traced in significant measure to the same feelings. Mr Naik’s public statements confirming that he had asked his party’s central leadership to explain why he has been asked by them not to contest a seat in the current state Assembly polls are an indication of how strong the feelings of the lower castes are about the denial of pre-eminence in political leadership to them. Mr Naik belongs to the Bhandari community that has a very large share of the electorate. In several constituencies including Mayem, Mandrem, Sanguem, Mormugao, Fatorda and Madkai they are a decisive force in elections.

The day is not far when the lower castes will take over pre-eminence in Goan politics, much as they have done in the past twenty years in North India. We appear to be very close to that turning point. It may not happen in this election, but we would be surprised if it did not happen in the next.

The foundations for the ‘social revolution’ have already been laid. In North India, particularly in UP and Bihar, the foundations were laid with the abolition of zamindari and massive infusion of capital and technology in agriculture by government. The backward castes, who suffered upper caste dominance as agricultural tenants for centuries, started coming into their own with the land titles coming to them after the abolition of zamindari. Then followed growth in agriculture, bringing income to them. Their growing economic power however did not bring them political power, because the leadership of all major parties was in the hands of upper castes who would make them play only second fiddle to them. The backward castes wanted to take leadership positions but were not allowed. That is when they decided to create and patronize political parties in which they were in leadership positions. Charan Singh and Ram Manohar Lohia provided them with ideologies and kisan-based and socialist-oriented parties.

In Goa too, some of the backward castes, such as Bhandaris and Kharvis have come into their own since Liberation. Their economic conditions have tremendously improved. By virtue of their tradition of hard work and great skills in the occupations they practised, whether farming or fishing, they have not only retained the resources they need but have multiplied them. From total illiteracy in their communities, they have come to a position where many of them today have risen in politics, engineering, teaching, law, science, medicine and other professions. In Bihar and UP, it was the backward castes who were economically advanced who took over power from the upper castes. They were called ‘forward’ backward castes. In Goa, Bhandaris and Kharvis are among ‘forward’ backward castes. It is only a matter of time before they take over power from the upper castes and change the course of the state’s politics.